Monday, June 23, 2008

The imperative of regime change

Zimbabwe is beyond the edge of the precipice, sliding rapidly down into its depths. The despot who calls himself President has succeeded in finally killing democracy, with the successful use of violence and intimidation causing the leader of the opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai, to withdraw from a Presidential run-off which should never have occurred in the first place. Tsvangirai's decision is understandable and probably unavoidable - he has demonstrated his moral superiority over Mugabe by placing the needs and lives of those he represents first - but is the final nail in the coffin for democracy in the country. There is no way in future that Mugabe will be disposed of at the ballot box, as he has confirmed that violence will succeed. Therefore, we must step beyond the hope of electoral success and strongly support a concerted effort to remove him from his position.

There will be a collective shiver down liberal spines at the mention of regime change, especially given the debacle of Iraq. However, Zimbabwe descent into hell is a crime against humanity which, I believe, we are obliged to answer. The economy is destroyed, the fabric of the country is threadbare and the population is being murdered - the opposition MDC have described it as genocide and we must listen carefully to that description. To our eternal shame, we in the West stood by and allowed the massacre of Rwanda to occur, wringing our hands at the horror and fretting over what to do. Never again should have been the one lesson that we took from it, however we are standing by and allowing other countries to slip towards repetition. Zimbabwe's crisis is a disaster for its people, but also threatens to destablise the entire region. A country that should be able to provide food for the entire continent is instead starving, its people fleeing and the having to return, driven off by racist violence in South Africa. For countries such as South Africa, the influx of poverty stricken refugees adds additional strain to systems which are struggling and appear unjust to its citizens. Fear of the other and allocating blame to those different from oneself - these are sadly constants throughout human history, repeated around the world in every different culture.

What then are we to do? Well, the problem that we find ourselves in is that we are the former colonial power. We fret about looking like we are trying to take over again, and Mugabe plays cleverly upon this. He blames us for everything he doesn't like, alleging our influence in the affairs of the opposition. This has meant that we have wisely taken a step back from direct involvement. The Government has been at the forefront of world efforts to criticise Mugabe's administration, and has tried to push neighbouring countries, South Africa in particular, to take the lead - it should be commended for all of this. However, the neighbouring states have thus far failed in their task. Thabo Mbeki, President of South Africa, has been negligent in taking a firmer line with Mugabe, and in fact has helped to protect his regime from some of the international pressure. In a misguided attempt at solidarity (admittedly partly shaped by the remaining regard for Mugabe as a freedom fighter which many Africans still possess) he has not fulfilled the leadership role which is his responsibility, and now the failure of this is threatening to destabilise his own country.

It appears clear to me that the time is now upon us for direct military intervention into Zimbabwe, to remove Mugabe, preferably to the Hague for trial. The use of soft power, through diplomacy and dialogue has sadly failed, and it now falls upon the international community to provide Mugabe with an ultimatimum backed up with the sanction of military force. This must be an international mission, led by the neighbouring countries but supported to the hilt by the UK. Our colonial legacy in Zimbabwe does not mean that we must remain uninvolved - rather it insists that we must be invovled in resolving the mistakes of the past and ensuring a better future for the people of Zimbabwe. Mugabe has already promised civil war to keep the MDC out, and retains the support of the military to back him up in this promise. Intervention on behalf of the international community would therefore not be a provocation to new actions, rather it presents our last opportunity to intervene before the final strands of cohesion in the country collapse. This military intervention must be backed up with guaranteed economic aid, a clear strategy for post intervention reconciliation and recovery and the leadership of other African nations as a demonstration that this is not some sort of neocolonial strategy, but rather a reflection of the international community's response to the collapse of democracy and the destabilisation of an entire region.

Sadly, this will not happen, certainly not before it is too late. The drive for such action must come from the neighbouring countries, especially South Africa, and their actions thus far have made this incredibly unlikely. Our own legitimacy in leading humanitarian interventions has been damaged by Iraq and has not yet recovered, whilst the US, even more tarnished in reputation, have very little interest in the affairs of Zimbabwe. South Africa's mistaken solidarity with a failed freedom fighter diminish the status of African nations, and cast doubt upon its desire to become a permanent member of the Security Council. Zimbabwe's self-destruction drags down the continent, reflecting a failure in democracy and governance all too common in the post-colonial independent states.

Military intervention must come, and military intervention will come. The choice for the international community is whether this will be on our terms or in response to the final collapse of Zimbabwe.